Governance and the Survival of the Pacific Islands
Following the COP21 in December 2015, the
Pacific islands have a chance at survival in the face of an increasingly
changing climate. Along with other small islands and highly vulnerable states,
Pacific island advocacy achieved concessions to limiting global warming to 1.5
degrees Celsius in the outcome document, the Paris Agreement. It is a huge win
for all countries in the region.
Ideally, the major emitters of greenhouse
gases will bear the brunt of the work that needs to be done to ensure that that
target is achieved, but in reality, the Pacific islands will need to continue
to lead to hold signatories to the Paris Agreement accountable to the targets
agreed, as well as lead in terms of adaptation, risk management and sustainable
development. It is not a time to rest on the happy achievements of December,
and it is not just climate change that the Pacific islands must address, but
the Sustainable
Development Goals as a whole, and the significant work to be done to
achieve resilient, sustainable communities.
Governance will be the hinge on which
success on all points related to the SDGs and climate change turns. Governance
- planning, budgeting, implementation, monitoring, reporting, accountability
and transparency in all government work - is absolutely necessary for
sustainable development and resilient communities - from the community level
through to national government; for both elected officials and civil servants.
Poor governance was one of the primary reasons that only
five of the countries in the Pacific achieved more than half of the MDGs,
with three (Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and Kiribaiti) achieving non at
all. However, this is unsurprising if you follow developments on governance and
transparency (and accountability) in the Pacific.
In November 2015, the foundations of
governance in Vanuatu were shaken as the Speaker of the Parliament (and Acting
President while the president was on a state visit to Samoa) pardoned himself
and 13 other Members of Parliament on charges of corruption for which they had
been found guilty one day earlier. It would have been laughable if it wasn't so
demoralizing. But it was, because the idea that there are standards of good
behaviour dissipated.
And then in early January, the Prime
Minister of Solomon Islands flew in the face of governance by handing out three
million Solomon Islands dollars to former combatants of a conflict that ended
in 2003. Part of the demobilization and reintegration process, he said. Again,
2003. And it was only to combatants from one side of the conflict with promises
of money to others 'sometime this year'. Let's not hold our collective breaths.
This incident simply reinforced that Solomon Islands doesn't have government so
much as it has keepers of the bank book.
These two incidents were bad enough, until a
report
was released this month about drought relief in Papua New Guinea. In a
country that has incurred disastrous impacts from El Nino, the findings of the
report were damning at best. If put under the spotlight of international
humanitarian law, because it should be categorized as a humanitarian crisis,
the actions of government border on criminal. Funds for drought relief go
through local government committees chaired by elected officials and stacked
with political appointees. Evidence suggests that the funds are directed to
villages that supported the MP during the election, while other villages are
resigned to fending for themselves.
Patronage politics is by no means rare in
the Pacific, particularly amongst Melanesian countries (including the three
countries mentioned above). But recently it seems to moving to a new level - as
in a complete disregard for even pretending things like checks and balances
(and the rule of law). I would go for it and simply blame greed and corruption,
but there is more to it than that.
These are countries which regularly
experience votes of no confidence and changes in government. For example, there
have been 19 prime ministers in the past 24 years in Vanuatu. In Solomon
Islands, there have been 16 Prime Ministers (that is, the Prime Minister's
office has changed hands 16 times since independence in 1978). Papua New Guinea
has a slightly better record. People have gotten so used to changes in government
that elections become more about 'what can I get out of it' than a real concern
for policies and the direction of the country. 'Vote with your stomach' is a
popular refrain in the region.
Pacific islanders have also, for
generations, had to be reliant on community rather than central government
given the remoteness of many islands and communities from the seat of national
government. Communication and transportation options are often limited and
unreliable, so expecting government to resolve problems is unrealistic,
particularly if the situation is urgent. The resilience
and self-reliance of communities impacted by Cyclone Pam in Vanuatu is case
in point - some communities only received visits from their elected officials,
with token supplies of a few bags of rice, more than a month after the cyclone
hit. In the mean time, the community had already set to work clearing roads and
rebuilding houses.
There is also the issue of having become
over reliant on the handouts from elected officials in exchange for votes. The
state of affairs is so dire in some places that one wonders how communities can
continue to survive or have dreams for the future. In one small island province
in Solomon Islands, there are no shops - not even kiosks selling cigarettes and
soda. Kitchen gardens are absent as well. The entire community is reliant
packages of food from elected officials sent by plane twice a week to various
households - some one week, some another. When the plane lands, the entire
community descends to see who is getting food. And maybe cigarettes. The
community is so reliant on elected officials for food and other necessities that
as long as the politicians keep sending stuff, the people will keep voting for
them.
In all communities, the church and village
elders are the primary forms of local governance (versus government).
Customary traditions and governance (locally known as Kastom or Kustom) are not necessarily incompatible with more
formal, Westminster-style approaches to governance (read more here, here
and here)
but given the often very low capacity of local government to deliver services
and promote sustainable development, it is churches and elders who fill the gap.
People expect little from the government beyond handouts or money in exchange
for votes, caring little for the corruption that takes place at upper levels as
long as they continue to benefit. Which leaves elected officials basically free
to do what they want without too much worry of the ballot box 'checks and
balances', until they come up against the High Courts or a vote of no
confidence. And then it's the other side's turn.
It highlights the root of poor governance in
the Pacific - in particular these three countries. When you effectively have
parallel systems of government at the level of governance that matters most -
the local level - and the general population has little concern about the
actions of elected officials at the national level, you have a big problem.
When you trace it back, you see that voter awareness of what elected officials
are supposed to do, and understanding
of what types of services
government should be providing, is lacking. When a governance system relies so
heavily on ballot-box accountability but the voters are not aware of or
educated about how important their role at the ballot box is in the long term
regarding the resilience and overall survival of their community, the entire
system is at risk. Look at Papua New Guinea, where patronage politics is
causing unnecessary deaths, and in Solomon Islands where it has become so
severe one could reasonably tick off the first box on the slide to failed state
status. In Vanuatu, there was better news, with the return of the President
seeing the pardon vetoed and the errant MPs sentenced for their corruption
crimes. There, at least, the legal system is strong. But with that many MPs now
in prison, a general election had to be called. And so yet another change in
government.
In theory, in a democracy, elections hold
government accountable to the will of the people. But when the election process
becomes corrupted by politicians taking advantage of a lack of voter awareness,
then corruption becomes the basis of government and governance is in question.
Pacific islanders know that their very
survival is at stake. Food insecurity, rising water levels, new diseases - all
are issue that communities cannot deal with no matter how much we, as the
international community, push the idea of risk management and community
resilience. In theory, with the SDG framework in hand, and opportunities to utilize the framework to their
benefit, communities in the Pacific can both survive and
thrive. In practice, however, much relies on the capacity and behaviour of
elected officials to ensure that the money and resources needed to meet these
goals is equitably disbursed, and accountably managed. So much relies on the
quality of governance and adherence to the rule of law at all levels of
government that it is a priority the ensure that voters are made aware of this
as well. Voter education is needed on how elected officials should be providing
opportunities and not just handouts if we are to see the successful
implementation of the SDGs and an effective response to the Paris Agreement. We
need to ensure that governance accommodates Kustom, while simultaneously
educating against the perils of extreme patronage politics - and voting. The
survival of Pacific communities depends upon it.
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